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Flapping

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Flapping or tapping, also known as alveolar flapping, intervocalic flapping, or t-voicing, is a phonological process involving the phonemes /t/ and sometimes /d/ being pronounced as voiced alveolar taps or flaps [ÉŸ] (sounds produced by briefly tapping the alveolar ridge with the tongue) when occurring between vowels.

It is found in many varieties of English, especially North American, Cardiff, Ulster, Australian and New Zealand English. In London English, the flapped [ÉŸ] is perceived as a casual pronunciation intermediate between the affricate [tsʰ] with higher class associations, and the glottal stop [ʔ] with lower class associations.[1] In these named varieties, outside of Britain, /d/, the voiced counterpart of /t/, is also frequently pronounced as a flap in such positions, making pairs of words like latter and ladder sound similar or identical. In similar positions, the combination /nt/ may be pronounced as a nasalized flap [ɟ̃], making winter sound similar or identical to winner.

Flapping of /t/ is sometimes perceived as the replacement of /t/ with /d/; for example, the word butter pronounced with flapping may be heard as "budder".[2]

In other dialects of English, such as South African English, Scottish English, some Northern England English (like Scouse), and older varieties of Received Pronunciation, the flap is a variant of /r/ (see Pronunciation of English /r/).[3]

Terminology and articulation

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The terms flap and tap are often used synonymously, although some authors make a distinction between them. When the distinction is made, a flap involves a rapid backward and forward movement of the tongue tip, while a tap involves an upward and downward movement.[4] Linguists disagree on whether the sound produced in the present process is a flap or a tap, and by extension on whether the process is better called flapping or tapping,[5] while flapping has traditionally been more widely used.[6][7] Derrick & Gick (2011) identify four types of sounds produced in the process: alveolar tap, down-flap, up-flap, and postalveolar tap (found in autumn, Berta, otter, and murder, respectively).[8]

In Cockney, another voiced variant of /t/ that has been reported to occur to coexist with the alveolar tap (and other allophones, such as the very common glottal stop) is a simple voiced alveolar stop [d], which occurs especially in the words little [ˈlÉȘdʊ], hospital [ˈɒspÉȘdʊ] and whatever [wɒˈdɛvə]. That too results in a (variable) merger with /d/, whereas the tap does not.[9]

In Cardiff English, the alveolar tap is less rapid than the corresponding sound in traditional RP, being more similar to /d/. It also involves a larger part of the tongue. Thus, the typical Cardiff pronunciation of hospital as [ˈɑspÉȘÉŸlÌ©] or [ˈɑspÉȘÉŸÊŠ] is quite similar to Cockney [ˈɒspÉȘdʊ], though it does not involve a neutralization of the flap with [d].[10]

Distribution

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Flapping of /t/ and /d/ is a prominent feature of North American English. Some linguists consider it obligatory for most American dialects to flap /t/ between a stressed and an unstressed vowel.[7][11] Flapping of /t/ also occurs in Australian, New Zealand and (especially Northern) Irish English, and more infrequently or variably in South African English, Cockney, and Received Pronunciation.[12][13][14]

The exact conditions for flapping in North American English are unknown, although it is widely understood that it occurs in an alveolar stop, /t/ or /d/, when placed between two vowels, provided the second vowel is unstressed (as in butter, writing, wedding, loader).[6][15] Across word boundaries, however, it can occur between any two vowels, provided the second vowel begins a word (as in get over [ÉĄÉ›ÉŸËˆoʊvɚ]).[6][15] This extends to morphological boundaries within compound words (as in whatever [ˌwʌɟˈɛvɚ]).[16] In addition to vowels, segments that may precede the flap include /r/ (as in party)[11][17] and occasionally /l/ (as in faulty).[18][19] Flapping after /l/ is more common in Canadian English than in American English.[20] Syllabic /l/ may also follow the flap (as in bottle).[21] Flapping of /t/ before /ən/ (as in button) is observed in Australian English.[22] In North American English, [t] and [ʔ] (t-glottalization) were the only realizations of /t/ before /ən/,[23] but studies in the 2020s have found [ÉŸ] in younger US speakers.[24][25]

Morpheme-internally, the vowel following the flap must not only be unstressed but also be a reduced one (namely /ə/, morpheme-final or prevocalic /i, oʊ/, or /ÉȘ/ preceding /Ƌ/, /k/, etc.[a]),[27][28] so words like botox, retail, and latex are not flapped in spite of the primary stress on the first syllables,[11] while pity, motto, and Keating can be.[27] The second syllables in the former set of words can thus be considered as having secondary stress.[6]

Word-medial flapping is also prohibited in foot-initial positions. This prevents words such as militaristic, spirantization, and Mediterranean from flapping, despite capitalistic and alphabetization, for example, being flapped. This is known as the Withgott effect.[29][30]

In North American English, the cluster /nt/ (but not /nd/) in the same environment as flapped /t/ may be realized as a nasal flap [ɟ̃]. Intervocalic /n/ is also often realized as a nasal flap, so words like winter and winner can become homophonous.[31] According to Wells (1982), in the United States, Southerners tend to pronounce winter and winner identically, while Northerners, especially those from the east coast, tend to retain the distinction, pronouncing winter with [ɟ̃] or [nt] and winner with [n].[32]

Given these intricacies, it is difficult to formulate a phonological rule that accurately predicts flapping.[7] Nevertheless, Vaux (2000) postulates that it applies to alveolar stops:

  • after a sonorant other than l, m, or Ƌ, but with restrictions on n;
  • before an unstressed vowel within words, or before any vowel across a word boundary;
  • when not in foot-initial position.[33]

Exceptions include the preposition/particle to and words derived from it, such as today, tonight, tomorrow, and together, wherein /t/ may be flapped when intervocalic (as in go to sleep [ˌɡoʊɟəˈslip]).[34] In Australian English, numerals thirteen, fourteen, and eighteen are often flapped despite the second vowel being stressed.[35][36] In a handful of words such as seventy, ninety, and carpenter, /nt/ is frequently pronounced as [nd], retaining /n/ and voicing /t/, although it may still become [ɟ̃] in rapid speech.[37][38]

Homophony

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Flapping is a specific type of lenition, specifically intervocalic weakening. It leads to the neutralization of the distinction between /t/ and /d/ in appropriate environments, a partial merger of the two phonemes, provided that both /t/ and /d/ are flapped.[5][39] Some speakers, however, flap only /t/ but not /d/. Yet, for a minority of speakers, the merger can occur only if neither sound is flapped. That is the case in Cockney, where /t/ is occasionally voiced to [d], yielding a variable merger of little and Lidl.[40] For speakers with the merger, the following utterances sound the same or almost the same:

Homophonous pairs
/-t-, -nt-/ /-d-, -n-/ IPA Notes
abortingaboardingəˈbɔÉčÉŸÉȘƋ
alightedelidedəˈlaÉȘÉŸÉ™dWith weak vowel merger.
anteAnnieËˆĂŠÉŸÌƒi
anti-
auntie
atomAdamËˆĂŠÉŸÉ™m
at 'emadd 'em
banterbannerˈbĂŠÉŸÌƒÉ™Éč
batterbadderˈbĂŠÉŸÉ™Éč
battybaddieˈbĂŠÉŸi
beatingbeadingˈbiːɟÉȘƋ
BertiebirdieˈbəÉčÉŸiWith fern–fir–fur merger.
Birdy; Birdie
bettingbeddingˈbɛɟÉȘƋ
bitingbidingˈbaÉȘÉŸÉȘƋ
bitterbidderˈbÉȘÉŸÉ™Éč
bittingbiddingˈbÉȘÉŸÉȘƋ
bittybiddyˈbÉȘÉŸi
blatterbladderˈblĂŠÉŸÉ™Éč
bleatingbleedingˈbliːɟÉȘƋ
boatingbodingˈboÊŠÉŸÉȘƋ
bruterbrooderˈbÉčuːɟəÉčWith yod-dropping after /Éč/.
buttingbuddingˈbʌɟÉȘƋ
buttybuddyˈbʌɟi
cantercannerˈkĂŠÉŸÌƒÉ™Éč
cantoncannonˈkĂŠÉŸÌƒÉ™n
canon
cartingcardingˈkɑÉčÉŸÉȘƋ
cattycaddyˈkĂŠÉŸi
centre; centersinnerˈsÉȘɟ̃əÉčWith pen–pin merger.
chantingChanningˈtÍĄÊƒĂŠÉŸÌƒÉȘƋ
citedsidedˈsaÉȘÉŸÉȘd
sited
sighted
citerciderˈsaÉȘÉŸÉ™ÉčWithout Canadian raising.
sighter
clottingcloddingˈklÉ’ÉŸÉȘƋ, ˈklɑɟÉȘƋ
coatingcodingˈkoÊŠÉŸÉȘƋ
courtingchordingˈkɔÉčÉŸÉȘƋWith horse–hoarse merger.
cording
cuttlecuddleˈkʌɟəl
cuttycuddyˈkʌɟi
daughterdodderˈdɑɟəÉčWith cot–caught merger.
dauntingdawningˈdɔɟ̃ÉȘƋ
donningˈdɑɟ̃ÉȘƋWith cot–caught merger.
debtordeaderˈdɛɟəÉč
diluteddeludeddÉȘˈluːɟəd
don't itdoughnutˈdoʊɟ̃ətWith weak vowel merger and toe–tow merger.
dotterdodderˈdɑɟəÉč
doughtydowdyˈdaÊŠÉŸiWithout Canadian raising.
elutedalludedəˈluːɟədWith weak vowel merger.
eludedÉȘˈluːɟəd
enterin aˈÉȘɟ̃əIn non-rhotic accents with pen–pin merger.
innerˈÉȘɟ̃əÉčWith pen–pin merger.
etaAdaˈeÉȘÉŸÉ™
fatedfadedˈfeÉȘÉŸÉȘd
flutterflooderˈflʌɟəÉč
fontalfaunalˈfɑɟ̃əlWith cot–caught merger.
futilefeudalˈfjuːɟəlWith weak vowel merger.
garterguarderˈɡɑÉčÉŸÉ™Éč
gauntergonerËˆÉĄÉ‘ÉŸÌƒÉ™ÉčWith cot–caught merger.
goatedgoadedˈɥoÊŠÉŸÉ™d
gratergraderˈɥÉčeÉȘÉŸÉ™Éč
grader
grittedgriddedˈɥÉčÉȘÉŸÉ™d
grittyGriddyˈɥÉčÉȘÉŸi
heartyhardyˈhɑːÉčÉŸi
heatedheededˈhiːɟÉȘdWith meet–meat merger.
Hetty; Hettieheadyˈhɛɟi
hurtingherdingˈhɜːÉčÉŸÉȘƋWith fern–fir–fur merger.
inter-in aˈÉȘɟ̃əIn non-rhotic accents.
innerˈÉȘɟ̃əÉč
itereiderˈaÉȘÉŸÉ™ÉčWithout Canadian raising.
jauntyJohnnyˈdÍĄÊ’É‘ÉŸÌƒiWith cot–caught merger.
jointingjoiningˈdÍĄÊ’É”ÉȘɟ̃ÉȘƋ
kittedkiddedˈkÉȘÉŸÉȘd
kittykiddieˈkÉȘÉŸi
knottednoddedˈnÉ’ÉŸÉȘd, ˈnɑɟÉȘd
latterladderˈlĂŠÉŸÉ™Éč
laudedlottedˈlɑɟədWith cot–caught merger.
lintyLennyˈlÉȘɟ̃iWith pen–pin merger.
literleaderˈliːɟəÉčWith meet–meat merger.
littleLidlˈlÉȘÉŸÉ™l
looterlewderˈluːɟəÉčWith yod-dropping after /l/.
mantamannaˈmĂŠÉŸÌƒÉ™
mannerIn non-rhotic accents.
manor
MartyMardiˈmɑːÉčÉŸiIn the term Mardi Gras.
mattermadderˈmĂŠÉŸÉ™Éč
mattocksMaddoxˈmĂŠÉŸÉ™ks
meant itminuteˈmÉȘɟ̃ÉȘtWith pen–pin merger.
metalmedalˈmɛɟəl
mettlemeddle
mintymanyˈmÉȘɟ̃iWith pen–pin merger.
mini
Minnie
motilemodalˈmoÊŠÉŸÉ™lWith weak vowel merger.
mottlemodelˈmɑɟəl
muttermudderˈmʌɟəÉč
neaterkneaderˈniːɟəÉč
neuternuderˈnuːɟəÉč, ˈnjuːɟəÉč, ˈnÉȘuÉŸÉ™Éč
nighternidorˈnaÉȘÉŸÉ™ÉčWithout Canadian raising.
nitre; niter
notednodedˈnoÊŠÉŸÉȘd
oaterodour; odorˈoÊŠÉŸÉ™Éč
otterodderˈɒɟəÉč, ˈɑɟəÉč
paintingpainingˈpeÉȘɟ̃ÉȘƋ
pantingpanningˈpĂŠÉŸÌƒÉȘƋ
parityparodyˈpĂŠÉčəɟiWith weak vowel merger
patterpadderˈpĂŠÉŸÉ™Éč
pattingpaddingˈpĂŠÉŸÉȘƋ
pattypaddyˈpĂŠÉŸi
petalpedalˈpɛɟəl
pettlepeddle
plattedplaidedˈplĂŠÉŸÉ™d
plantingplanningˈplĂŠÉŸÌƒÉȘƋ
pleatingpleadingˈpliːɟÉȘƋ
plentyPlinyˈplÉȘɟ̃iWith pen–pin merger.
plottingploddingˈplÉ’ÉŸÉȘƋ, ˈplɑɟÉȘƋ
pottedpoddedˈpÉ’ÉŸÉ™d, ˈpɑɟəd
pouterpowderˈpaÊŠÉŸÉ™ÉčWithout Canadian raising.
puntingpunningˈpʌɟ̃ÉȘƋ
puttingpuddingˈpÊŠÉŸÉȘƋ
ratedraidedˈÉčeÉȘÉŸÉȘdWith pane–pain merger.
rattleraddleˈÉčĂŠÉŸÉ™l
rightingridingˈÉčaÉȘÉŸÉȘƋWithout Canadian raising.
writing
rotiroadieˈÉčoÊŠÉŸi
rooterruderˈÉčuːɟəÉčWith yod-dropping after /Éč/.
router
rottingroddingˈÉčÉ’ÉŸÉȘƋ, ˈÉčɑɟÉȘƋ
runtyrunnyˈÉčʌɟ̃i
ruttyruddyˈÉčʌɟi
saintingseiningˈseÉȘɟ̃ÉȘƋ
Saturdaysadder dayˈsĂŠÉŸÉ™ÉčdeÉȘ
satyrSederˈseÉȘÉŸÉ™Éč
sauntersaunaˈsɔɟ̃əIn non-rhotic accents.
scentedsynodˈsÉȘɟ̃ədWith pen–pin merger.
scentingsinningˈsÉȘɟ̃ÉȘƋ
seatingseedingˈsiːɟÉȘƋWith meet–meat merger.
sent itsenateˈsɛɟ̃ÉȘtWith weak vowel merger.
set itsaid itˈsɛɟÉȘt
shuntingshunningˈʃʌɟ̃ÉȘƋ
shuttershudderˈʃʌɟəÉč
sintersinnerˈsÉȘɟ̃əÉč
skittingskiddingˈskÉȘÉŸÉȘƋ
sortedsordidˈsɔÉčÉŸÉȘdWith weak vowel merger.
slightingslidingˈslaÉȘÉŸÉȘƋWithout Canadian raising.
stuntingstunningˈstʌɟ̃ÉȘƋ
tartytardyˈtɑÉčÉŸi
tentertennerˈtɛɟ̃əÉč
tentertenorˈtɛɟ̃əÉč
tentingtinningˈtÉȘÉŸÉȘƋWith pen–pin merger.
titletidalˈtaÉȘÉŸÉ™lWithout Canadian raising.
totingtoadingˈtoÊŠÉŸÉȘƋ
traitortraderˈtÉčeÉȘÉŸÉ™ÉčWith pane–pain merger.
tutorTudorˈtuːɟəÉč, ˈtjuːɟəÉč, ˈtÉȘuÉŸÉ™Éč
tweetedtweededˈtwiːɟəd
utterudderˈʌɟəÉč
waiterwaderˈweÉȘÉŸÉ™ÉčWith pane–pain merger.
wattlewaddleˈwɑɟəl
weightedwadedˈweÉȘÉŸÉ™dWith pane–pain merger.
wettingweddingˈwɛɟÉȘƋ
winterwinnerˈwÉȘɟ̃əÉč
wheatedweededˈwiːɟədWith wine–whine merger.
whiterwiderˈwaÉȘÉŸÉ™ÉčWith wine–whine merger and without Canadian raising.

In New Zealand, Māori loanwords may retain the original [ÉŸ] pronunciation of ⟹r⟩.[41] This, in combination with flapping, leads to homophones such as Kura and coulda, both pronounced [kÊŠÉŸÉ™].

In accents characterized by Canadian raising, such words as riding and writing may be flapped yet still distinguished by the quality of the vowel: riding [ˈÉčaÉȘÉŸÉȘƋ], writing [ˈÉčʌÉȘÉŸÉȘƋ].[42] Vowel duration may also be different, with a longer vowel before /d/ than before /t/, due to pre-fortis clipping.[43]

Withgott effect

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In a dissertation in 1982, M. M. Withgott demonstrated that, among speakers of American English, words seem to be chunked into pronunciation units she referred to as a foot, similar to a metrical unit in poetry. Such chunking was said to block flapping in the word ‘Mediterranean’ ([[Medi[terranean] ], cf. [ [sub[terranean]]). How a word is chunked relates to its morphological derivation, as seen by contrasting morphologically similar pairs such as the following (where the vertical bar shows where Withgott argued there is boundary between neighboring feet):

Initial-type tvs.flapped-t
military[ˈmÉȘlÉš | tʰɛÉči]vs.capital[ˈkÊ°ĂŠpɚɟlÌ©]
militaristic[ˌmÉȘlÉš | tʰəˈÉčÉȘstÉȘk]vs.capitalistic[ˌkÊ°ĂŠpɚɟə | ˈlÉȘstÉȘk]

The medial t in cĂ pitalĂ­stic can be flapped as easily as in post-stress cĂĄtty [ˈkÊ°ĂŠÉŸi], in contrast to the medial t in mĂŹlitarĂ­stic, which comes at the beginning of a foot, and so must be pronounced as [tʰ], like a t at the beginning of a word.

Long, seemingly monomorphemic words also are chunked in English for purposes of pronunciation. In such words [t]’s — as well as the other unvoiced stops — are pronounced like initial segments whenever they receive secondary stress or are at the beginning of a foot.

T-to-R rule

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The T-to-R rule is a phenomenon in certain accents of English in which the flapping of /t/ is subsequently reinterpreted as the flap variant of /r/. As a result, in most such accents, this type of /t/ is then replaced by the prevailing variant of /r/ in English, the approximant [Éč]. However, studies have found that the rule is more restrictive that usual flapping rules, with the phenomenon occurring only in a particular set of frequently used words and mainly across word boundaries (in phrases), but only very rarely does it occur word-internally (thus, it is common in shut up but much rarer in shutting).[44]

The application of the rule means that shut in the phrasal verb shut up /ʃʌrˈʌp/ can be analysed as having a different phonemic form than the citation form of the verb shut /ʃʌt/.[45] Other examples of phrases where [Éč] can replace [t] in such accents include get off, let us, that again, forget all, bought it, and what is.[46]

The T-to-R rule has been reported to occur primarily in certain 19th- or 20th-century working-class dialects, including of the English Midlands and Northern England (where it is always stigmatized) such as Geordie, older Cockney (London), certain local Dublin accents of Ireland, the Cardiff dialect of Wales (where the merged consonant can surface as either an approximant or a flap), some South African English (where only a flap is possible), and some Scottish English.[47] In the Cardiff dialect, the rule is typically applied between any vowel (including long vowels) and /ə/ or the reduced /ÉȘ/ (also across word boundaries), so that starting /ˈstaːtÉȘƋ/ and starring /ˈstaːrÉȘƋ/ can be homophonous as [ˈstaːÉčÉȘn ~ ˈstaːɟÉȘn]. In South African English, the merger is possible only for those speakers who use the flapped allophone of /r/ (making the starting–starring minimal pair homophonous as [ˈstɑːɟÉȘƋ]), otherwise the sounds are distinguished as a flap (or a voiceless stop) for /t/ ([ˈstɑːɟÉȘƋ ~ stɑːtÉȘƋ]) vs. approximant for /r/ ([ˈstɑːÉčÉȘƋ]). There, the merger occurs word-internally between vowels in those environments where flapping is possible in North American English.[48][10]


Homophonous pairs
/t/ /r/ IPA Notes
battle barrel ˈbĂŠÉŸÉ™l
batty Barrie ˈbĂŠÉŸi
batty Barry ˈbĂŠÉŸi
Betty, bet he berry ˈbɛɟi
but a borough ˈbəɟə In Cardiff English. But has an alternative form /bə/, with an elided /t/.[49]
butter borough ˈbʌɟə
catty carry ˈkĂŠÉŸi
catty kar(r)ee ˈkĂŠÉŸi
daughter Dora ˈdɔːɟə
Fetty ferry ˈfɛɟi
hotter horror ˈhÉ’ÉŸÉ™
jetty jerry ˈdÍĄÊ’É›ÉŸi
Lottie, lot he lorry ˈlÉ’ÉŸi
matty marry ˈmĂŠÉŸi
otter horror ˈɒɟə With h-dropping.
petty Perry ˈpɛɟi
starting starring ˈstɑːɟÉȘƋ
tarty tarry ˈtɑːɟi Tarry in the sense "resembling tar".

See also

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Notes

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  1. ↑ Since North American English normally lacks the distinction between /ÉȘ/ and /ə/ in unstressed positions, there is variability among linguists and dictionaries in the treatment of unstressed vowels pronounced as /ÉȘ/ in other varieties of English that have the distinction. They are usually identified as /ÉȘ/ before palato-alveolar and velar consonants (/ʃ, tʃ, dʒ, k, ÉĄ, Ƌ/) and in prefixes such as re-, e-, de-, and as /ə/ elsewhere.[26]

References

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  1. ↑ Wells (1982), p. 325.
  2. ↑ E.g. in Fox (2011:158).
  3. ↑ Ogden (2009), p. 92.
  4. ↑ Ladefoged & Johnson (2011), pp. 175–176.
  5. 1 2 Wells (1982), p. 249.
  6. 1 2 3 4 de Jong (1998), p. 284.
  7. 1 2 3 Shockey (2003), p. 29.
  8. ↑ Derrick & Gick (2011), pp. 309–312.
  9. ↑ Wells (1982), p. 326.
  10. 1 2 Collins & Mees (1990), pp. 91–92.
  11. 1 2 3 Goldsmith (2011), p. 191.
  12. ↑ Shockey (2003), p. 30.
  13. ↑ Trudgill & Hannah (2008), pp. 24, 30, 35, 104.
  14. ↑ Hickey (2007), p. 115.
  15. 1 2 Goldsmith (2011), pp. 191–192.
  16. ↑ Hualde (2011), p. 2230.
  17. ↑ Hayes (2009), p. 143.
  18. ↑ Boberg (2015), p. 236.
  19. ↑ Jones (2011), p. xi.
  20. ↑ Brinton & Fee (2001), p. 428.
  21. ↑ Wells (1982), p. 248.
  22. ↑ Tollfree (2001), pp. 57–58.
  23. ↑ Wells (1982), p. 251.
  24. ↑ Repetti-Ludlow & Blake (2024).
  25. ↑ Repetti-Ludlow (2026).
  26. ↑ Wells (2000), p. xv.
  27. 1 2 Hayes (1995), pp. 14–15.
  28. ↑ Wells (2011).
  29. ↑ Vaux (2000), p. 5.
  30. ↑ BĂ©rces (2011), pp. 84–89.
  31. ↑ Ladefoged & Johnson (2011), pp. 74–75.
  32. ↑ Wells (1982), p. 252.
  33. ↑ Vaux (2000), pp. 4–5.
  34. ↑ Goldsmith (2011), p. 192.
  35. ↑ Horvath (2004), p. 635.
  36. ↑ Vaux (2000), p. 7.
  37. ↑ Vaux (2000), pp. 6–7.
  38. ↑ Iverson & Ahn (2007), pp. 262–263.
  39. ↑ Hayes (2009), p. 144.
  40. ↑ Wells (1982), pp. 250, 326.
  41. ↑ Hashimoto, Daiki (2019). Loanword phonology in New Zealand English : exemplar activation and message predictability (Thesis). p. 137. doi:10.26021/3825.
  42. ↑ Hayes (2009), pp. 144–146.
  43. ↑ Gussenhoven & Jacobs (2017), p. 217.
  44. ↑ Buchstaller, Isabelle et al. (2013). " T-to-R and the Northern Subject Rule: questionnaire-based spatial, social and structural linguistics". English Language & Linguistics, 17(1), p. 119.
  45. ↑ Wells (1982), p. 370.
  46. ↑ Buchstaller et al., 2013, p. 119.
  47. ↑ Buchstaller et al., 2013, pp. 91-92.
  48. ↑ Wells (1982), pp. 616–618.
  49. ↑ Collins & Mees (1990), p. 99.

Bibliography

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Further reading

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  • Withgott, M. Margaret. 1982. Segmental Evidence for Phonological Constituents. Ph.D. Dissertation for the University of Texas at Austin.
  • Iverson, Gregory K. and Sang-Cheol Ahn. 2004. English Voicing in Dimensional Theory. Language Sciences (Phonology of English).
  • Kahn, Daniel. 1976. Syllable-Based Generalizations in English Phonology. Ph.D. Dissertation for the University of Massachusetts reproduced by I.U. Linguistics Club.
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